The Central Advisory Commission is something new. Established in light of the circumstances of the Communist Party of China, it is an organizational form that will enable new cadres to succeed the old ones in the central leading organs of the Party. The purpose of establishing this Commission is to lower the average age of members of the Central Committee and at the same time to make it possible for some elderly comrades who have retired from the forefront of affairs to continue to play a certain role.

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Comrades,

I now declare open the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China.

There are three main items on our agenda: (1) to consider the report of the Eleventh Central Committee and decide on the Party's programme for opening up new prospects in all fields of socialist modernization; (2) to consider and adopt the new Constitution of the Communist Party of China; and (3) in accordance with the provisions of the new Party Constitution, to elect a new Central Committee, a Central Advisory Commission and a Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

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China is aware of its responsibilities as a permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations. Everyone can trust China in two respects. First, China adheres to principles. Second, China means what it says. We do not play political games, nor do we engage in the play of words. I personally love to play bridge, but China does not like to play political cards. This is not only the case today, but was also the case during the period since the founding of the People's Republic in 1949 when Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai were leading the country. This is why so many friends around the world trust us. We understand the circumstances in many countries, particularly Third World countries. China's foreign policy is consistent and can be summed up in three sentences. First, we oppose hegemonism. Second, we safeguard world peace. Third, we are eager to strengthen unity and cooperation, or what might be termed 'union and cooperation', with other Third World countries. The reason I lay special emphasis on the Third World is that opposition to hegemonism and safeguarding world peace are of special significance to the Third World. Who are the victims of hegemonism? Is it the United States or the Soviet Union? No, it is the United States and the Soviet Union that practise hegemonism, so they are not the victims. Neither are developed countries such as Japan, Canada, and countries in Europe and Oceania the victims. Eastern Europe suffers a little. If world peace is disrupted, who will be the first to become victims? Actually, there has been no peace since the end of World War II. Although no major wars have been fought, minor ones have continued. Where are the minor wars fought? In the Third World! It is the superpowers that practise hegemonism and sow discord. They are the ones with their hands in that arena! For many years, the superpowers have cashed in on conflicts between Third World countries in order to achieve their objectives. Although the Third World itself faces various problems, it is the Third World countries and their peoples that become the real victims. For this reason it must be the Third World that is the genuine and primary force for safeguarding world peace and opposing hegemonism, because this concern immediately affects Third World countries. This follows necessarily because of the position and immediate interests of the Third World itself.

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I did not intend to speak at this meeting. We are preparing two documents for submission to the Seventh Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee. Much effort has gone into the drafting and, in my opinion, both documents are fairly well thought out. Of course, some parts need further deliberation. As Comrade Hu Qiaomu has just said, it is impossible to meet the requirement in Article 18 of the draft revised Party Constitution that the main documents of a Party congress be distributed for discussion by the whole Party one month in advance. Some other requirements are difficult to meet too, such as the stipulation that delegates to a Party congress should be notified of its convening three months in advance. In short, we shouldn't commit ourselves on paper to do what cannot be done. A Party Constitution doesn't have to go into so much detail anyway. Generally speaking, the two documents are fairly well prepared.

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This forum has held useful discussions on problems in the army. I agree with the way these problems have been handled, though the results haven't been fully satisfactory in all cases. At the moment, we can't expect too much.

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China has not given much help to its third-world friends. That is because our country, although vast in territory, is very poor and still faces many difficulties. Since the founding of our People's Republic [in 1949], we have essentially solved the problems of food and clothing and have become self-sufficient in grain. That in itself is quite remarkable, because these problems remained unsolved for so long in old China. In industry, we have laid a comparatively sound foundation, and although we are still very backward in this regard, the present industrial base is much better than before. We are now devoting all our efforts to construction and the rather rapid development of our economy. When we have succeeded, we shall be able to do more for our friends in the third world. Our per-capita GNP is now only US$250-260. Yours isn't high either, but our country has a great many more people, so if we are to increase the GNP by 100 dollars per capita, that means an additional 100 billion dollars. A large population brings its own difficulties and many problems that aren't easy to solve. A small country has some special advantages, as does a small population. Since your country is small in population and rich in natural resources, your affairs are easier to handle than ours.

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In my opinion, this is an important document. Although it deals with the struggle against criminal activities in the economic sphere, it should in fact be regarded as of greater significance.

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I'll make a few points.

First, streamlining organizations is a matter of great importance. In fact it constitutes a revolution. If we fail to carry out this revolution, if we let the present overstaffed and overlapping Party and state organizations stay as they are -- without clearly defined duties and with many incompetent, irresponsible, lethargic, under-educated and inefficient staff members -- we ourselves will not feel satisfied and we will not have the support of the lower cadres, much less of the people. This situation cannot continue. It has become unbearable and will not be tolerated by the people or the Party. How can we permit its continuation if we want to keep to the socialist road and go on working for the four modernizations? All our veteran comrades should understand that the promotion of cadres who are more revolutionary, younger, better educated and more competent professionally is a strategic need for the revolution and construction. For us old cadres it is a most honourable and sacred obligation. It will be our last historical contribution to the Party and will put the Party spirit of each one of us to a severe test. So this matter must be resolved. It should have been resolved earlier, but unfortunately conditions have not been favourable. Today, having smashed the Gang of Four and held the Third through the Sixth Plenary Sessions of the Eleventh Central Committee, we have created such conditions. It is high time this matter was placed on our agenda. Can we afford to put it off a little longer? The longer we wait the harder it will be, because the problem will become worse, difficulties will multiply and every year more people will be involved. Besides, this is something that concerns many old comrades. Many politically conscious old comrades are still with us; they can set a good example and clear away obstacles. Here too we have a favourable condition. If we can reach a consensus of opinion, we can solve the problem more easily. There must be no further delay. In short, streamlining organizations constitutes a revolution. Of course, it is not our intention to overthrow anyone but to transform the organizational structure of our Party and state. If we don't carry out this revolution but let the old and ailing stand in the way of young people who are energetic and able, not only will the four modernizations fail but the Party and state will face a mortal trial and perhaps perish. No matter how correct all the other policies and principles of the Party and government and no matter how great our achievements, without this revolution the Party and government organizations will continue to lack vigour and efficiency, and they will be unable to implement our policies and principles fully and to score greater successes. How will the people be able to excuse us in that case? How can we ourselves have any peace of mind? We can't just dwell on our past achievements. We have to see the many problems surfacing every day.

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Comrade officers and men,

You have successfully performed your task in these military exercises. On behalf of the Central Committee of the Party, the State Council, and the Military Commission of the Central Committee, I want to express our warm greetings and congratulations.

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A short time ago I told Comrade Hu Yaobang that I wanted to talk with the propaganda departments about problems on the ideological front, especially those in literature and art. The Party's leadership on this front -- including literature and art -- has achieved noteworthy success. This should be affirmed. But certain tendencies towards a crude approach and over-simplification cannot be ignored or denied. However, a more important problem at present, I think, is laxity and weakness and a fear of criticizing wrong trends. As soon as you criticize something, you are accused of brandishing a big stick. It is very hard nowadays for us to carry out criticism, let alone self-criticism. Self-criticism is one of the three major features of our Party's style of work, one of the chief characteristics distinguishing our Party from other political parties. For quite a number of our people, however, it now seems difficult to practise.

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