In reaching an agreement on the question of Hong Kong, the leaders of our two countries have done something highly significant for our countries and peoples. This problem has lasted for a century and a half. As long as it remained unsolved, it cast a shadow over the relations between us. Now that the shadow has been lifted, a bright prospect has opened up for cooperation between our two countries and friendly contact between our two peoples.

More...

I want to talk about the question of considering the general interest. By the general interest I mean our national development. Our nation is full of vitality and is thriving in every sector. Even many foreigners share this view and say so. That has been the situation for the last five years, and particularly for the last three years when our rural policies began to yield results. This increases our confidence. Why is it that we are now in a position to launch reform in the cities or, as we say, to dare ``touch the tiger's rump''? The reform is not without certain risks. A recent example was the run on consumer goods in Beijing. And it was not confined to Beijing; the same thing happened in many other cities too. We foresaw all this. Why are we not afraid of it? Because we have quite a plentiful supply of consumer goods to fall back on, the sight of which reassures the people. The goal set by the Twelfth National Congress of the Party is to quadruple the annual gross value of our industrial and agricultural output by the year 2000, a goal which, I can say with certainty, will be achieved. This is a matter of utmost importance. Although our per capita GNP will not amount to much and will mean only a comparatively comfortable living standard, in terms of total GNP, it will mean a trillion US dollars! Furthermore, our country will become more powerful. That is the double significance of quadrupling our industrial and agricultural output.

More...

There are two outstanding issues in the world today. One is the question of peace, the other the relationship between North and South. We find many other problems too, but none of them has the same overall, global, strategic significance as these two. In the present-day world the North is developed and rich while the South is underdeveloped and poor. And relatively speaking, the rich are getting richer and the poor poorer. The South wants to shake off its poverty and backwardness, and the North needs a developed South. For where can the North find a market for its products if the South remains underdeveloped? The biggest problems facing the developed capitalist countries are the pace of their progress and continued development. In this connection, there is another side to South-South cooperation: it can promote North-South cooperation.

More...

China is a major country as well as a minor one. By major I mean that it has a huge population and a vast territory, and by minor I mean that it is still a relatively poor, developing country with a per capita GNP of only US$300. So China is in fact both a minor and a major country. It is one of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. Its vote definitely represents the Third World, the underdeveloped countries. We have said more than once that China belongs to the Third World. It will still belong to the Third World even after it is developed. China will never become a ``superpower''.

More...

I think that the current Central Committee is experienced and that it has handled different kinds of problems properly and in an orderly way. Foreign newspapers and magazines say that I play a role in it. True, I do play a certain role. I offer some advice, but it is the other comrades who do most of the work and perform the hardest tasks. Take, for example, the ``Decision on Reform of the Economic Structure''. When the decision was adopted by the Central Committee the day before yesterday, I made a few remarks. I said I thought it read like the draft of a textbook on political economy that integrated the fundamental tenets of Marxism with the practice of socialism in China. That was my assessment of it. Over the past two days there has been a good deal of reaction to this decision both at home and abroad. Everyone says it is of historic significance. It is really a very good document, but I didn't write or revise a single word of it. That's the truth. So don't try to exaggerate my role. That would only raise doubts in people's minds and lead them to believe that China's policies will change once Deng is gone. That's just what the world community is concerned about.

More...

For the most part, the current changes in China started at the end of 1978, when the Third Plenary Session of our Party's Eleventh Central Committee was held. At that session the Central Committee reviewed our historical experience and decided on a series of policies designed to restore order. In fact, we had begun to set things to rights as early as 1975. At that time I was in charge of the work of the Central Committee and the government, and I introduced a series of rectification measures. Before long these measures produced excellent results in every area, but they ran counter to the ``cultural revolution'' and angered the Gang of Four. So once again I was ousted from office. For two years after the downfall of the Gang, we still didn't know what to do, because the chief central leader at the time carried out the policy of the ``two whatevers'' and reaffirmed the value of the ``cultural revolution''. The Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, however, marked the beginning of real changes, and nearly six years have passed since then. The results are even better than we had expected.

More...

I am a layman in the field of economics. I have made a few remarks on the subject, but all from a political point of view. For example, I proposed China's economic policy of opening to the outside world, but as for the details or specifics of how to implement it, I know very little indeed. So today I am dealing with the question again from the political point of view.

More...

I am very happy to see so many of you attending our National Day celebrations, and I believe Hong Kong has a bright future. Among those who have come for the celebrations are people from different walks of life and with different political views. This shows that you all favour China's resumption of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and the agreement reached between the Chinese and British governments. It follows that we all have the same important prerequisite, love for the motherland and for Hong Kong, and that we all share the same goal, to maintain prosperity and stability in Hong Kong over the next 13 years and after. With our joint efforts, I am sure our goal will be achieved. After 1997 those of you who are 60 or 70 will not be as energetic as you are today. There are many young people among us here; they have an advantage over us in this respect. As for me, I should love to be around in 1997, to see with my own eyes China's resumption of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong.

More...

Comrade commanders and fighters of the Chinese People's Liberation Army! All fellow-countrymen, comrades and friends!

On this glorious occasion of the 35th anniversary of the founding of the great People's Republic of China, I wish to express my warmest congratulations to the comrades, compatriots and friends who are working for our socialist modernization, for the reunification of our motherland and for the security of our country.

More...

The ``one country, two systems'' concept was not formulated today. It has been in the making for several years now, ever since the Third Plenary Session of our Party's Eleventh Central Committee. The idea was first presented as a means of settling the Taiwan and Hong Kong questions. The socialist system on the mainland, with its population of one billion, will not change, ever. But in view of the history of Hong Kong and Taiwan and of their present conditions, if there is no guaranteed that they will continue under the capitalist system, prosperity and stability cannot be maintained, and peaceful reunification of the motherland will be out of the question. Therefore, with regard to Hong Kong, we propose first of all to guarantee that the current capitalist system and way of life will remain unchanged for 50 years after 1997.

More...